resisted. 'Nothing short of this," he added, "can vindicate the dignity of violated law, and allay the just excitement of the people." Messrs Taylor and Bernhisel called his attention to the state of excitement in Carthage, and informed him that there were men there bent on killing the Prophet, and that to ensure his safety it would be necessary for him to be accompanied by an armed force which would doubtless provoke a collision. In answer to this the Governor advised them to bring no arms, and pledged his faith as Governor, and that of the State to protect those who should go to Carthage for trial. He also made the same pledge in his written communication to Joseph.

The conduct of the Governor in thus adopting the reports of the enemies of the citizens of Nauvoo, and menacing the city with destruction, if his arbitrary demands were not complied with, created no small amount of astonishment in Nauvoo. Joseph, however, wrote a courteous reply, corrected the Governor's errors, and also represented that the city council of Nauvoo had acted on their best judgment, aided by the best legal advice they could procure; but if a mistake had been made they were willing to make all things right; but asked that the mob might be dispersed, that their lives might not be endangered while on trial. Relative to oing to Carthage, however, Joseph Dointed out the fact that the Governor himself in his written communication had expressed his fears that he could not control the mob; "in which case," he went on to say, "we are left to the mercy of the merciless. Sir, we dare not come for our lives would be in danger, and we are guilty of no crime."

On a hasty consultation with his brother Hyrum, Dr. Richards, and Messrs. Taylor and Bernhisel, after the return of the latter from their conference with the Governor, it was decided that Joseph should proceed to Washington and lay the case before President Tyler, and he informed Governor Ford of this intention in the letter above referred to. That plan, however, at a subsequent

council meeting was abandoned; as Joseph received an inspiration to go to the West, and all would be well. He said to the trusted brethren in that council:

"The way is open. It is clear to my mind what to do. All they want is Hyrum and myself; then tell everybody to go about their business, and not collect in groups, but scatter about. There is no danger; they will come here and search for us. Let them search; they will not harm you in person or in property, and not even a hair of your head. We will cross the river to-night and go away to the west."

This was between nine and ten o'clock on the night of the twenty-second of June, and preparations were at once entered into to carry out this impression of the Spirit. W. W. Phelps was instructed to take the families of the prophet and his brother to Cincinnati; and that night O. P. Rockwell rowed Joseph, Hyrum and Dr. Richards over the Mississippi to Montrose, and then returned with instructions to procure horses for them and make all necessary preparations to start for the great basin in the Rocky Mountains."

About ten o'clock the next day the Governor's posse arrived in Nauvoo to arrest Joseph, but not finding him it returned to Carthage, leaving a man by the name of Yates to watch for the Prophet's appearing. This man said that if the mayor and his brother were not given up, the Governor had expressed a determination to send his troops into the city and guard it until they were found, if it took three years. At this crisis, some of Joseph's friends instead of rendering him all possible assistance to escape from his enemies, complained of his conduct as most cowardly and entreated him to return to Nauvoo and not leave them like a false shepherd leaves his flock when the wolves attack them. The parties most forward in making this charge of cowardice were Reynolds Cahoon, L. D. Wasson and Hiram Kimball. Emma also sent a letter by the hand of R. Cahoon, entreating him to return and give himself up, trusting to the pledges of the Governor for a fair trial. Influenced by these en

treaties to return, and stung by the taunts of cowardice from those who should have been his friends, he said: "If my life is of no value to my friends, it is of none to myself." And after a brief consultation with Rockwell and his brother Hyrum, against his better judgment, and with the conviction fixed in his soul that he would be killed, he resolved to return; and crossed over the river that evening to Nauvoo.

His first act after arriving in the beautiful city of which he was the chief founder, was to send word to the Governor, by the hand of Theodore Turley and Jedediah M. Grant that he would be ready to go to Carthage as early on the morrow as his (the Governor's) posse could meet him-provided he could be assured a fair trial, and his witnesses not be abused. That message was delivered to the Governor, and he decided at once to send a posse to escort Joseph and his party to Carthage; but through the influence which Wilson Law, Joseph H. Jackson and others of like character had over him, he changed his good intention of sending a posse, and ordered Joseph's messengers to return that night with orders to him to be in Carthage the next day by ten o'clock without an escort; and he threatened that if Joseph did not give himself up by that time; Nauvoo would be destroyed.

Owing to the jaded condition of their horses, the messengers did not reach Nauvoo until daylight of the twentyfourth. After the orders of the Governor were delivered, the faithful brethren who reported them began to warn the prophet against trusting himself in the hands of his enemies, but he stopped them and would not hear them furtherhe had decided on his course.

Early on the morning of the twentyfourth Joseph and the members of the city council, against whom complaints had been made before Justice Morrison, accompanied by a few friends, started for Carthage to give themselves up. As they passed the temple, the party paused, and the Prophet looked with admiration on the noble edifice and the glorious landscape, which everywhere from that

spot greets the eye, and then said: "This is the loveliest place, and the best people under the heavens; little do they know the trials that await them!" On the outskirts of the city they passed the home of Squire D. H. Wells who at the time was sick. Joseph dismounted and called to see him. At parting the prophet said to him: "Squire Wells, I wish you to cherish my memory, and not think me the worst man in the world, either."

About ten o'clock the party arrived within four miles of Carthage and there met a company of sixty mounted militiamen under the command of Captain Dunn, on their way to Nauvoo with orders from Governor Ford to demand the State arms in possession of the Nauvoo Legion. It was on the occasion of meeting these troops that Joseph uttered those prophetic words:

"I am going like a lamb to the slaughter, but I am calm as a summer's morning. I have a conscience void of offense toward God and toward all men. I shall die innocent, and it shall yet be said of me, 'he was murdered in cold blood.'"'

At the request of Captain Dunn he countersigned the Governor's order for the State arms. But the captain pre vailed upon him to return to Nauvoo and assist in collecting the arms, promising that afterwards the militia under his command should escort himself and party into Carthage, and he would protect them even at the risk of his own life, to which his men assented by three hearty cheers. It is supposed that Captain Dunn feared the people in Nauvoo might become exasperated and resent the indignity offered them in demanding the arms. Hence his anxiety to have Joseph return. A message was sent to the Governor informing him of this new

move.

The arms were collected without any difficulty, though the people unwillingly surrendered them, since disarming them and allowing their enemies who had vowed their extermination to keep their arms, smelt of treachery; but the order of the Governor and of their General was complied with.

The

arins were taken to the Masonic Hall nd stacked up, QuartermasterGeneral Buckmaster receiving them.

This demand for the State arms stirred the fie ry indignation of Squire Wells to the very depths of his soul. He arose from his bed of sickness and carried what State arms he had-I think a pair of horse-pistols-to the appointed place, and threw them at the feet of Officer Buckmaster with the remark, "There's your arms!" Then as he glared at the office, he said: "I have a pair of epaulets a home, and I have never disgraced them, either;" and, too full of righteous wrath for further speech, he walked

away.

The arms collected, Captain Dunn thanked the people for their promptness in complying with the demands of the Governor, and promised them that while they conducted themselves in such a peaceable manner they should be protected. The company of militia accompanied by Joseph and his party started for Carthage about six o'clock in the evening.

Passing the Masonic Hall where a number of the citizens of Nauvoo still lingered, having been attracted there to witness the surrender of the State arms, the Prophet Joseph raised his hat and said: "Boys, if I don't come back, take care of yourselves, I am going like a lamb to the slaughter."

It

was midnight when the party en tered Carthage, but a militia company encamped on the public square-the Cartage Greys-were aroused and gave to profane threats as the company passed, of which the following is a spec"Where's the d-n prophet?"

vent

imer

:

"Stand away, you McDonough boys, and let us shoot the d-n Mormons!" "G-d d-n you, old Joe, we've got you now!" "Clear the way, and let us have a view of Joe Smith, the prophet of God. He has seen the last of Nauvoo, we'll use him up now!"

Amid such profanity and abuse, and violent threats, much of which was overheard by Governor Ford, the Prophet's party proceeded to Hamilton's hotel which it entered and took quarters for the night. Under the same roof were sheltered the wicked apostates of Nauvoo, J. H. Jackson, the Foster brothers, the Higbees and the Laws, besides other desperate men who had sworn to take the life of the prophet.

The crowd which had followed the Nauvoo party from the public square still hung round the Hamilton House yelling and cursing like ravenous beasts hungry for their prey. Governor Ford pushed up a window and thus addressed them: "Gentlemen, I know your great anxiety to see Mr. Smith, which is natural enough, but it is quite too late tonight for you to have that opportunity; but I assure you, gentlemen, you shall have that privilege to-morrow morning, as I will cause him to pass before the troops upon the square, and I now wish you, with this assurance, quietly and peaceably to return to your quarters. In answer to this there was a faint "Hurrah for Tom Ford," and the crowd withdrew. The game was trapped. They could afford to wait. God's servants were in the hands of the merciless. B. H. Roberts.

Swell affairs-dried apples.

A

pen

the

on t

tive

thar

VII.

TEMPORARY Suspension of the imding Bulgarian difficulties induced writer to devote more of the articles The "Eastern Question," to a descripphase of the situation in the Orient, was originally intended. The ab

duction of Prince Alexander of Battenburg, and the subsequent pressure of Russia in the principality of Bulgaria, brought about a political grouping of the great powers, in such a manner as to bring to the surface the diplomatic relations of the several countries. National

tendencies were more perfectly defined, and the position of the allied and single powers in their assumed friendly relations exhibited the consistency of the clay and iron mixture of international unity. It is interesting to observe the role taken by the several European powers, the drift of public sentiment, and the estimate of one another's capabilities. The conduct of General Kaulbars among the Bulgarians, and the demands of his government were so tyrannical and extreme, as to exasperate public sentiment in all European journals, (French possibly excepted) long before any government or any combination of governments ventured to enter a protest, in favor of an insulted and outraged people, whose status of nominal independence the great powers had created, and were in a measure bound to protect. French indifference and sympathy for Russia aroused at once the suspicion of Germany, and neutralized the influence all Europe expected Prince Bismarck to exercise in putting a quietus upon the Bulgarian agitation.

"It may be one and it may be ten years before the coming and inevitable conflict with France," was the expressed opinion of Bismarck in his celebrated speech in the Reichstag, on the subject of the Septenate, a bill providing for an increase of 45,000 men in the regular army for a period of seven years. The foremost of European statesmen assured the world that a victory for France meant the ruin of the grandest of all German monuments, the German Empire. France would not stop short of a dismemberment of the nation, and Germans might then expect to bow in humble submission to French dictation. It was to be a struggle for existence, and no sentimentality for Bulgarian wrongs would cause the old iron Chancellor to sacrifice Russian neutrality, which he considered necessary in Germany's foreign policy. The Oriental question was a subordinate issue into which a wise diplomacy would not allow him to enter. The Austro-Germanic alliance was the best guarantee of Russian neutrality the Germans had, in case of a conflict with

France; but the slave agitation in Austria, and the uncertainty of its capabili ties in a conflict with Russia, made the 'alliance insufficient to satisfy the apprehensions of Germany. The question now arose as to what extent this alliance affected the freedom of the Austrians to act independently in the Oriental question. They could not sacrifice the advantages they hoped for in Turkey, and suffer their political influence to decrease by which they expected to maintain the position they had gained over the slaves in subjection, and over those in friendly relations.

The Hungarian agitation was so deep and hostile that the question was forced upon their confederates, the Austrians. After heated parliamentary discussions, and a thorough ventilation of the subject, Germany and Austria concluded the latter was not bound by the alliance, in questions that affected Austria's exclusive interests in the Orient. The Panslavonic party construed this attitude of Germany into indirect hostility to Russia, and a newspaper warfare worked up great friction between the two nations. Germany called Russia's at tention to the hostile condition of public sentiment in the latter country, and the censorship was finally applied to abate the intensity of hatred among the masses. At the same time Germany was busily occupied securing Italy's union in the Austro-Germanic alliance. Nor did the wary statesman consider this triple alliance all sufficient; but availed himself of Papal influence by which he hoped to reconcile the Catholic element in the empire, and exert an indirect influence upon that without. For this Papal influence, certain concessions were to be made to the Catholic Church in Germany, in consequence of which his opponents attempted to make him odious to the Protestant party by the appellation of Roman dogmatist. Bismarck defended himself in a masterly manner in the Landtag, and claimed that his role was that of an opportunist, who employed such forces without the empire, not dangerous to its internal prosperity, as he found nec

essary for the peace and safety of his country. At this momentous period the alliance of Austria, Italy and the Pope, was certainly, from a German standpoint, a master piece of diplomacy. Every effort was made to avoid hostility with Russia, and at the same time every provision was made to force Russian neutrality, in case friendly diplomatic relations on the west should be broken. Germans have always to take into consideration the enmity which exists in Russia against German bureaucracy.

It may be well to explain that during the reign of the late Czar Alexander II, civil and military service in that country brought into requisition an enormous German element. Their skill and reliability made them preferable to Russians, who naturally grew jealous of this preference. The present Czar joined the opposition before his father's assassination, and was pledged to favor exclusively Russian service. Steps have been taken to carry out his policy; but want of superior qualities of workmanship and integrity has continued in a great measure to favor the Germans, in spite of the most rancorous opposition. Besides the growing military power of the Muscovite has made him jealous of his powerful neighbor's influence and re

nown.

The circumstances which thus make Russian neutrality uncertain, Bismarck's policy has taken into account, and a wise diplomacy has placed Germany in a position to combat singlehanded with France in any case. The French have long made themselves offensive by the revenge policy of a certain party, and must humble their asperations, which constitute a part of a Frenchman's flesh and bone, or be drawn into open conflict with Germany. Bismarck is sure the conflict is inevitable, the military party think it better today than to-morrow; and thus the most sensitive political relations exist between these two great nations. Germans may declare they will not open the contest, although it is well understood they may indirectly force France to act, or acknowledge the emptiness of sixteen

years pretensions of revenge. This humble acknowledgement no one expects.

Some good English philanthropists. have publicly agitated the question of neutralizing Alsace-Lorraine; but Germany would consider the question an insult to its dignity, and the proposition is treated with contempt. Thus the warlike pulsations which began in Bulgaria have complicated the strained relation between France and Germany, and worked out with greater precision the policy of the central European powers. For the sensational foreign dispatches, however, which appear in English and American papers, it is necessary to make allowance for the real wishes in the selfish policy of England to precipitate the conflict.

While it would be too much to say the government uses its influence to bring about the disastrous war, by which two powers would exhaust the forces, military and commercial, that detract from England's prosperity and international power, there is no doubt about the drift and secret motives of English journalism in this respect. The foreign dispatches of the English Press, and editorial comments betray an inordinate desire in this direction. Americans, whose political views are more in accord with those of England than any other foreign nation, draw largely from English sources, which are trustworthy only so far as we eliminate English national ambition. some cases the wish has been the only apparent source of sensational reports circulating through the English press, and extremely irritating to both Germany and France.

In

For Americans who have always been in the habit of viewing European diplomacy from an English standpoint the late differences between England and Russia are not less interesting. An almost absolute certainty of English military superiority has existed in the minds of most people when the question of an Anglo-Russian conflict has been seriously discussed. The recent events in which the English attitude has greatly changed did much to create an almost universal