MAGAZINE OF AMERICAN HISTORY VOL. XIII APRIL, 1885 No. 4 THE FRAMERS OF THE CONSTITUTION * WE are rapidly nearing one of the most important centennial anni WE versaries in our national history, that of the adoption of a form of government capable of holding forty republics in one solid and prosperous whole-embracing fifty-five millions of people, and territory in extent nearly, if not quite, equal to that of all Europe. The subject is one of living interest, and will be brought afresh to the reading public in all varieties of written language within the coming three years. Our blessings will naturally brighten in the unusual light, and with the new polish. We shall bet ter comprehend the framework that has withstood the storms of a century, and be prepared for the more just appreciation of its stability—as the years roll on and the States roll in. The achievement, however, that preceded and was vastly more remarkable than its adoption, was the production of the Constitution. Such a form of government had hitherto been unknown to the science of politics. The structure was a special creation, and at a time when the future of the country was mapped only in the imagination. Its life-giving force was the pressure of a great necessity. The confederation was too weak to bear its own weight. It had no power over commerce. It could not even levy taxes or enforce the payment of duties. As a bond of union in a time of war it had been sufficient, but was totally inadequate as a system of permanent government. The wisdom of two continents predicted disaster unless vigorous remedies were applied. American thinkers were divided on the most important questions at issue, but of one opinion as to the imminence of the danger. Some were for kingly rule; and some were in chronic alarm lest an English or French prince should be placed on an American throne. From Virginia finally emanated an invitation for a meeting of commissioners from the several States to meet in Annapolis, for the purpose of discussing methods of regulating trade with foreign countries. The five central States only responded. The meeting was held on the 14th of September, 1786. Nothing of importance was accomplished by it further than a recommendation to Congress that authority should be given for the holding of a general Convention, for the specific purpose of revising the "Articles of Confedera * COPYRIGHT, 1885, BY MRS. MARTHA J. LAMB. VOL. XIII.-No. 4.-21 tion." But the feeble successor of that renowned Congress which had brought into existence the thirteen States, was averse to excluding itself from the right to inaugurate changes in the government, and did not comply with the request with alacrity. It questioned the constitutionality of a Convention, until thoroughly alarmed at the riotous condition of affairs in Massachusetts; and when it yielded, and advised the States to confer power upon a special assembly to convene in Philadelphia on the 14th of May, 1787, the act was not performed with special grace. Thus when the delegates had been appointed by their respective States, the situation was far from enviable. America fixed its critical eye upon them, and a general distrust of the policy of their undertaking prevailed. Their genius in government-making was yet to be displayed; and it was well known that the little which could be borrowed from experience was foreign in its character and irreducible to the exigencies of affairs in the New World. Our present concern is with the framers personally, rather than with the grand result of their summer's work. Each one of the illustrious fifty-five will furnish a prolific theme for future and elaborate study; but we group them for the advantage of renewing our acquaintance with them in one body, for convenience in portraiture, and for ready reference. It would be difficult to find in any age or country of the world a more interesting assemblage of public characters. They were well educated, at least four-fifths of them were college bred, and in all branches of scholarship and gentlemanly culture they, as a rule, excelled. They were astute, discreet, energetic, disinterested. They represented the highest civil talent of their respective States, were familiar with the principles of ancient and existing confederacies, had nearly all acquitted themselves nobly in some arm of the public service, and were admirably prepared for serious, searching, conscientious, and discriminating investigation and deliberation. They were of conflicting opinions, and of all ages from twenty-five to four-score. Curiously enough at least one-third of the number were under forty; and only seven of the fifty-five had passed sixty. They assembled in Philadelphia in the leafy months of May and June, 1787. They came from all points of the compass; some journeying in their own chariots drawn by four and six horses, others in springless stages, and not an insignificant few on horseback. Philadelphia was in hospitable humor, proud of being chosen as the place for the Convention, and her private citizens graciously entertained the distinguished statesmen as far as practicable. Pennsylvania provided eight delegates,* the largest number of any of the States, *The eight Pennsylvania delegates were: Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Mifflin, Robert Morris, George Clymer, Thomas Fitzsimmons, Jared Ingersoll, James Wilson Gouverneur Morris. Virginia having only seven, although she initiated the movement. North Carolina, New Jersey, Maryland, and Delaware each sent five delegates. Massachusetts, South Carolina, and Georgia four; New York and Connecticut three; and New Hampshire two; Rhode Island was not represented. Each State acted its own pleasure in regard to the number of delegates chosen. New York struggled for five, but her inflexible Senate decreed there should be but three. Dr. Benjamin Franklin, President of Pennsylvania, was the leading delegate from that State; and he was the oldest man in the Convention. He had recently returned from his ten years' absence in Europe, crowned with glory, and had been welcomed home with addresses of congratulation, in which he was styled "the great philosopher," "the great politician," and ་ 316 "the illustrious and benevolent citizen of the world." He was quickly Washington, the conspicuous leader of the Virginia delegation, was the first of the Framers to arrive in Philadelphia, and with characteristic promptness on the precise day appointed. He left Mount Vernon in the latter part of April, traveling with his own equipage. At Chester, fifteen miles from the city, he was met by General Mifflin, Speaker of the Pennsylvania Assembly, and other gentlemen of distinction, and from Gray's Ferry was escorted by the city light-horse into Philadelphia-the bells ringing meanwhile-where public honors awaited him. His first act was to pay a visit of respect to Dr. Franklin.. The other delegates came slowly; day after day passed and still the majority of the States were not represented. In the mean time Washington was fêted by the leading residents; and according to the newspapers of the day, he "went out one evening when the weather was very tempestuous, accompanied by a brilliant crowd of his friends of both sexes, and proceeded to the University to hear a lady deliver a lecture on the Power of Eloquence." He was also the guest of honor at a stately dinner-party given by Dr. Franklin, on which occasion a cask of porter fresh from London was broached, and its contents, wrote Franklin, "met with a most cordial reception and universal approbation." Franklin was then eighty-one years of age, and Washington fifty-five. Franklin was of average height, stooping a little as he walked, full, broad His intellect was never physique, and benign, spectacled countenance.* clearer, more acute, more active, more fruitful. Washington stood six *This Magazine has recently published [IX. 401, XII. 14.] two portraits of Franklin. |