afterward both came down to the boat, and Gen. Arnola solicited me to return with Mr. Anderson' to the Vulture." *

To the south of Haverstraw there are two narrow valleys or passes, crossing the range of mountains which extend along the river. The one farthest north or northwest, has always borne the name of the "Short Clove," while the other has been designated as the "Long Clove." The mountainous elevation between these two valleys has always been called the "Long Clove Mountain," and is the one referred to by Smith. We may state that the high mountain south of the Long Clove, and extending along the river to Nyack, was known to the Dutch settlers as “Verdrietig Hook." The valley thus known as the Long Clove was, previous to the Revolution, and for many years after, the only means of communication between the fertile country back of the mountains, and the landings on the river shore. The public road from Haverstraw runs for a long distance almost parallel with the river, and some distance from it, on the slope of the mountain, and when near the entrance to the "Long Clove," it turns abruptly, and passing through the valley, resumes its southerly direction on the westerly side of the mountains. The place where the road began to turn was the farthest point to which a person could possibly travel on horseback, and the nearest approach which could be made to the Vulture, which lay off "Teller's Point." Still farther south, and beyond this point, the steepness of the river bank, covered as it was, and is now, by bowlders, would make it almost impossible for a person to travel there on foot, even in the daytime. This place was also sufficiently distant from the nearest dwellings, which were then at Kier's Dock, where is now the first brick yard.

As the "Long Clove" was the most convenient route by which the inhabitants of a large district west of the mountains could reach the river, we may well suppose that at the foot of this pass a landing-place would be made where communication might be had with vessels passing to and from New York. Traces of an old dock, and of an ancient road made for the purpose of reaching it, are still to be seen, and are represented on the accompanying map. This dock, which existed before the recollection of the oldest inhabitant, was used as a shipping-place for wood, etc., before "Snedeker's Landing" and the quarry dock were built. The most reliable tradition fixes this old dock as the landing-place of André. It is true that Smith does not mention a dock or a road up the hill, but that they must have landed at such a spot is evident from the following considerations: Smith and Arnold had appointed a place of rendezvous. This had to be

* See Smith's "Narrative," pp. 30, 31.

so definite that no time might be lost, and no shouting or signals needed which might betray them (and, in fact, when Smith arrived at the point he found Arnold waiting to receive him and his companions). Yet the natural features of the shore in this vicinity for the distance of a mile are so uniform that it would have been extremely difficult to designate any spot, unless marked, as this one was, by improvements from human hands. The bank along that mile of river shore is about fifty feet high, and so steep and covered with rocks that it is no easy matter to scramble up it even in the daytime, yet it is evident, from Smith's narration, that there was much passing during the night up and down the bank. First Smith goes up to inform Arnold, who was "hid among firs," of André's arrival; he then went down and conducted André up to Arnold, and again returned to the boat. When he desired to warn them of the approach of day, he again ascends the bank and again returns. Shortly after, André and Arnold both come down, and upon the refusal of the boatmen to return to the Vulture, they re-ascend the hill to the road, where, mounting their horses, they departed for Smith's house, beyond Haverstraw. That their pathway up and down was the road marked on our map as "ancient and long disused," I have not the slightest doubt. The grove of evergreen trees among which Arnold was hidden, was doubtless situated just south of the junction of the "disused way" with the main road, which ran through the "Long Clove." The dock was perhaps rebuilt and enlarged after the Revolution. An attempt has been made to represent in the sketch the stones and timbers remaining. About fifteen feet of the wall of the south side of the dock is still nearly perfect. Two large bowlders outside and under water, probably supported the end of the rude pier. A large granite bowlder has rolled down from the bank and rests near the center of the dock, and would be very suitable for an inscription which would make it a lasting monument. The place is exactly 300 feet south of the stone house near the quarry; it can be easily found without a guide, and is best seen at low water.

Lavalette Wilso

Sir

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

UNPUBLISHED LETTER FROM JAMES DUANE TO GEORGE CLINTON

From the Collection of William L. Stone.

Manour Livingston 13th March 1778

Your Excellency's Dispatches of the 25th of February did not reach me till I was proceeding to attend the Treaty with the Six Nations. The scene in which we have been employed, as well as the want of a direct Conveyance, have deprived me of an earlier opportunity of returning an answer.

I think I informed your Excellency that I set out with the Marquiss de Lafay ette from this place the 15th of February from Albany: his instructions referring him to me for information; I had sufficient Reason to believe that the Enterprise which he was to conduct could not go forward; Unwilling however that the most remote discouragement should be ascribed to our State, I resolved to leave him to judge from his own observation and totally unprejudiced & uninfluenced. soon discovered the want of almost every necessary of which he had been led to expect an abundant Supply.

The number of men was greatly deficient. They were destitute of warm Clothing. Their pay in arrear, and both the officers & privates visibly averse to the expedition. If the Army had been in the best condition and highest spirits, a sufficient number of Teams (1300 being thought necessary) could not have been collected in season; and to increase the difficulties, Forage it was impracticable to procure, the Irruption of the enemy last summer having prevented the harvest in the Northern and North Eastern parts of this State excepting Provisions, ammunition and the Corps of Militia to be raised in this state, nothing was ready; and the opinion of the General officers as well as the publick at large, weighed strongly opposed to the probability of success had every one of these impediments been removed.

The Marquiss who attentively examined every circumstance saw with inexpressible chagreen, the obstacles which clouded his prospects of Glory, and, after having flattered himself with sanguine Hopes of performing a distinguished service to this country, was obliged to relinquish the Enterprise without an attempt to accomplish it. He has, it must be confessed, some Reason to be vexed and disgusted, advised, as he was, to announce to his Court the confidence reposed in him by being elevated to the command of such an expedition; and not in the least sus

VOL. XIII.-No. 2.-12

pecting that General Gates could be deceived in the circumstances of a department which he had just left, and which could have undergone no material alteration.

The Plan of Congress, when I was last upon the Floor was by a sudden Irruption with 3 or 400 Volunteers, to attempt to burn the Enemy's shipping at St. John's and to offer a very considerable Bounty in case of success. The command to be given to General Starke who was supposed to be very popular in New Hampshire the western frontiers of the Massachusetts & the Grants and in every other respect qualified for the undertaking. The adventurous spirit of the Inhabitants in those parts, the danger to which they must be exposed while the British vessels command the Lakes and the prospect of a Great Reward if they should succeed in the attempt, were thought sufficient considerations to justify the proposi tion. To me it was given in charge by Congress, to confer with General Starke & deliver him his instructions and explain their views. This occasioned my repairing to Albany as soon as I could give him notice to meet me. At first he seemed sanguine that the scheme would be acceptable and vigourously supported by those over whom he had an immediate influence; but on examination it was found that a Reward which depended only on a prosperous Issue was too slender a Motive for the undertaking. A proposal was therefore made to Congress to allow the Volunteers pay at all events, & the Bounty in case of success. But on General Gates' arrival at Congress the Plan was enlarged into its present Form, and the Command conferred on the Marquiss. Imagining it would be agreeable to you to have a full view of this transaction I have been thus circumstantial. I should have mentioned it to your Excellency when I had the pleasure of seeing you, the original Plan, but as it depended on secrecy I was enjoined to communicate it only to General Starke. Altho' we proposed to hold the Treaty with the Six Nations between the 15th & 20th of February it was not till the 27th that we had notice of their assembling, We repaired to John's town the 28th but they were so tedious in their movements that the business was not opened until Monday the 9th Instant. The number of Indians was something above 700 consisting of Oneidas, Tuscarores, Onondagoes, a few Mohawks, and three or four Cayugaes but not a single Seneca attended. The latter had the Insolence even to effect their surprize that while our Tomahawks stuck in their heads, their wounds were bleeding and their eyes streaming with tears for the Loss of their friends at the German flatts, we should think of inviting them to a treaty!

The Speech from Congress was in a Tone becoming the Dignity of Congress and the Spirit and Power of the United States. The glorious and upright conduct of these States towards the Six Nations and their Ingratitude, Cruelty and Treachery were pointed out, and satisfaction peremptorily commanded. The faithful Oneidas & Tuscaroroes were excepted and distinguished. They were applauded for their Integrity and Firmness, and assured of our Friendship and Protection.

An Onondagoe Chief spoke for the guilty tribes. He exculpated himself & the Sachems, threw the Blame on the Headstrong Warriors who no longer would listen

to advice, laid a proper stress on the example of our own internal divisions and Oppositions and printed in Strong Terms the influence of the Bribery and artifices employed by Butler and the other creatures of the Crown.

An Oneida Chief answered for that Nation and the Tuscaroroes with a spirit and Dignity which would not have disgraced a Roman Senator. He pathetically lamented the degeneracy of the unfriendly Tribes, predicted their final destruction and declared the unalterable resolution of the Oneidas & Tuscaroroes, at every Hazard to hold fast the Covenant Chain with the United States and with them to be buried in the same grave; or to enjoy the Fruits of Victory and Peace. He fully evinced the sincerity of the professions by desiring that we would erect a Fortress in their Country and furnish a small Garrison to assist in their defence. This being promised on our part, he concluded with a solemn assurance that those two Nations would at all times be ready to co-operate with us against all our Enemies. In a private manner they warned us against the Onondagoes who they looked upon as our Enemies notwithstanding their seeming contrition for their past Conduct and affirmed that there was not the least doubt but that they, the Senecas & Cayugoes would renew their Hostilities early in the Spring, and that Butler would take possession of Oswego and get it fortified. For which events they entreated us to be prepared. In our reply we applauded again the courage and Fidelity of the Oneidas & Tuscaroroes. The other Nations we observed were not sufficiently represented to Justify our Treating with them.

We directed therefore that a council of their confederacy should be assembled at Onondago as soon as possible, that our demand of satisfaction should be there publickly made, and from the hostile nations and an Explicite answer returned, that they should be reminded of our upright and their own treacherous Behavour. That our Cause was just, that the hand of the United States could reach the remotest corner of the Country of the Senecas and that we trusted the Good Spirit whom we served would enable us to punish all our Enemies and put it out of their power to do us further Injury. The Inhabitants of the Country who attended in great numbers were highly satisfied with the manner in which the Treaty was conducted. I think it will probably have a considerable influence on the Onondagoes upwards of an hundred of whom were present. They are much intermarried with the Oneidas and will be apt to follow their example, at Least that tribe will be divided. But from the Senecas & Cayugas & the greatest part of the Mohawks nothing but revenge for their lost Friends and tarnished Glory is to be expected, especially while our Enemies are so plentifully supplied with the means of corruption, and we cannot furnish our best friends with the necessaries of Life even in the course of Trade. I hope the facts I have suggested which passed under my own observation will be sufficient to give your Excellency a competent Knowledge of the Temper and disposition of the Six nations and to enable you to take seasonable measures for the defence of our Frontier Inhabitants, at least so far as may depend on the Exertion of our internal strength. I have conversed with the Marquiss who