have been reduced within proper bounds, || spotic authority, that they were in a condiwithout introducing any change into the sys- tion to give law to the sovereign himself, to tem of doctrine that had been so long esta- rule the nation as they thought proper, and, blished, and which was generally received.* in effect, they already abused their power so In the measures taken in these northern king- far as to appropriate to themselves a consideradoms, for the reformation of a corrupt doctrine ble part of the royal patrimony, and of the and a superstitious discipline, there was no- public revenues of the kingdom. Such, therething that deserved the smallest censure: fore, was the critical state of these northern neither fraud nor violence were employed for kingdoms, in the time of Luther, that it bethis purpose; on the contrary, all things were came absolutely necessary, either to degrade conducted with wisdom and moderation, in a the bishops from that rank which they dismanner suitable to the dictates of equity and honoured, and to deprive them of the greatest the spirit of Christianity. The same judgment part of those possessions and prerogatives cannot easily be pronounced with respect to which they had so unjustly acquired and so the methods of proceeding in the reformation licentiously abused, or to see, tamely, royalty of the clergy, and more especially of the epis-rendered contemptible by its weakness, the copal order. For here, certainly, violence was used, and the bishops were deprived of their honours, privileges, and possessions, without their consent; indeed, notwithstanding the greatest struggles and the warmest opposition. The truth is, that so far as the reformation in Sweden and Denmark regarded the privileges and possessions of the bishops, it was rather a matter of political expediency than of religious obligation; for a change here had become so necessary, that, had Luther and his doctrine never appeared in the world, it must have been nevertheless attempted by a wise legislator; for the bishops, by a variety of perfidious stratagems, had gotten into their hands such enormous treasures, such ample possessions, so many castles and fortified towns, and had assumed such an unlimited and de

This observation is not worthy of Dr. Mosheim's sagacity. The strong connexion between superstitious ignorance among the people, and influence and power in their spiritual rulers, is too evident to stand in need of any proof. A good clergy will, or ought to have an influence, in consequence of a respectable office, adorned with learning, piety, and morals; but the power of a licentious and des: potic clergy can be only supported by the blind and superstitous credulity of their flock.

sovereign deprived of the means of protecting and succouring his people, and the state exposed to rebellion, misery, and ruin.

XXXIV. The kingdom of France was not inaccessible to the light of the Reformation. Margaret queen of Navarre, sister to Francis I., the implacable enemy and perpetual rival of Charles V., was inclined to favour the new doctrine, which delivered pure and genuine Christianity from a great part of the superstitions under which it had so long lain disguised. The auspicious patronage of this illustrious princess encouraged several pious and learned men, whose religious sentiments were the same with her's, to propagate the principles of the Reformation in France, and even to erect several protestant churches in that kingdom. It is manifest from the most authentic records, that, so early as the year 1523, there were, in several of the provinces of that country, multitudes of persons, who had conceived the utmost disgust to the doctrine and tyranny of Rome; and among these were many persons of rank and dignity, and even some of the episcopal order. As their numbers increased from day to day, and troubles and commotions were excited in several places on account of religious differences, the authority of the monarch and the cruelty of his officers intervened, to support the doctrine of Rome, by the edge of the sword and the terrors of the gibbet; and on this occasion many persons, eminent for their piety and virtue, were put to death with the most unrelenting barbarity.* Although this cruelty, instead of retarding, accelerated the progress of the Reformation, yet, in the reign of Francis, the restorers of genuine Christianity were not always equally successful and happy. Their situation was extremely uncertain, and it was perpetually changing. Sometimes they seemed to enjoy the auspicigroaned under the weight of persecution, and ous shade of royal protection; at others they if the insolence and licentiousness of the clergy were enormous, the resentment of the Danish monarch at certain seasons they were forgotten, which may have been excessive. Nor indeed was his poli-oblivion rendered their condition tolerable. tical prudence here so great as Dr. Mosheim seems Francis, who had either no religion at all, or, to represent it; for the equipoise of government was hurt, by a total suppression of the power of the at best, no fixed and consistent system of relibishops. The nobility acquired by this a prodigious de-gious principles, conducted himself toward the gree of influence, and the crown lost an order, which, protestants in such a manner as answered his under proper regulations, might have been rendered one of the strongest supports of its prerogative. But private and personal views, or as reasons of disquisitions of this nature are foreign to our pur- policy and the public interest seemed to repose. It is only proper to observe, that, in the room of the bishops, Christiern created an order of men, * See Beza, Histoire des Eglises Reformees de with the denomination of Superintendants, who per- France, tom. i.-Benoit, Histoire de l'Edit de Nantes, formed the spiritual part of the episcopal office with-liv. i.-Christ. Aug. Salig. Histor. August. Confesout the least shadow of temporal authority. sionis, vol. ii.

What does Dr. Mosheim mean here? Did ever an usurper give up his unjust possessions without reluctance? Does rapine constitute a right, when it is maintained by force? Is it unlawful to use violence against extortioners? The question here is, whether the bishops deserved the severe treatment they received from Christiern III.; and our author seems to answer this question in the af firmative, and to declare this treatment both just and necessary, in the following part of this section. Certain it is, that the bishops were treated with great severity, deposed from their sees, imprisoned on account of their resistance; all the church lands, towns, and fortresses, were annexed to the crown, and the temporal power of the clergy abolished. It is also certain, that Luther himself looked upon these measures as violent and excessive, and even wrote a letter to Christiern, exhorting him to use the clergy with more lenity. It is therefore proper to decide

with moderation on this subject, and to grant, that,

quire. When it became necessary to engage || in the world. It, however, appears from the in his cause the German protestants, in order most authentic testimonies, that, even before to foment sedition and rebellion against his that period, the doctrine of Luther had made mortal enemy Charles V., he treated the pro- a considerable, though perhaps a secret, protestants in France with the utmost equity, hu- gress in Spain, Hungary, Bohemia, Britain, manity, and gentleness; but, so soon as he had Poland, and the Netherlands, and had, in ali gained his point, and had no more occasion these countries, many friends, of whom several for their services, he threw off the mask, and repaired to Wittenberg, to improve their knowappeared to them in the aspect of an implaca- ledge and enlarge their views under such an ble and persecuting tyrant.* eminent master. Some of these countries openly broke asunder the chains of superstition, and withdrew themselves, in a public and constitutional manner, from the jurisdiction of the Roman pontiff. In others, a prodigious number of families received the light of the

About this time the famous Calvin, upon whose character, talents, and religious exploits, we shall have occasion to dwell more amply in the course of this history, began to draw the attention of the public, but more especially of the queen of Navarre. He was born at Noy-blessed Reformation; rejected the doctrines on in Picardy, on the 10th of July, 1509, and and authority of Rome; and notwithstanding was bred to the law, in which, as well as in the calamities and persecutions they have suf all the other branches of literature, then known, fered on account of their sentiments, under the his studies were attended with the most rapid sceptre of bigotry and superstition, continue and amazing success. Having acquired the still in the profession of the pure doctrines of knowledge of religion, by a diligent perusal of Christianity; while in other, still more unhapthe holy scriptures, he began early to perceive py, lands, the most barbarous tortures, the the necessity of reforming the established sys- most infernal spirit of cruelty, together with tem of doctrine and worship. His zeal exposed || penal laws adapted to strike terror into the him to various perils; and the connexions he firmest minds, have extinguished, almost tohad formed with the friends of the Reformation, tally, the light of religious truth. It is, inwhom Francis was frequently committing to deed, certain, and the Roman catholics themthe flames, placed him more than once in im- selves acknowledge it without hesitation, that minent danger, from which he was delivered the papal doctrines, jurisdiction, and authority, by the good offices of the excellent queen of would have fallen into ruin in all parts of the Navarre. To escape the impending storm, he world, had not the force of the secular arm retired to Basil, where he published his Chris- been employed to support this tottering edifice, tian Institutions; and prefixed to them that fa- and fire and sword been let loose upon those mous dedication to Francis, which has attract- who were assailing it only with reason and ed the admiration of succeeding ages, and || argument. which was designed to soften the unrelenting fury of that prince against the protestants.

XXXV. The instances of an opposition to the doctrine and discipline of Rome, in the other European states, were few in number, before the diet of Augsburg, and were too faint, imperfect, and ambiguous, to make much noise

CHAPTER III.

The History of the Reformation, from the Time when the Confession of Augsburg was presented to Charles V., until the Commencement of the War which succeeded the League of Smal cald.

* The inconsistency and contradiction that were visible in the conduct of Francis I. may be at1. THE diet was opened at Augsburg on the tributed to various causes. At one time, we see 20th day of June, 1530; and, as it was unanihim resolved to invite Melancthon into France, pro- mously agreed, that the affairs of religion bably with a view to please his sister the queen of Navarre, whom he loved tenderly, and who had should be discussed before the deliberations restrongly imbibed the principles of the protestants.lating to the intended war with the Turks, the At another time, we behold him exercising the most protestant members of this great assembly reinfernal cruelty toward the friends of the Reforma-ceived from the emperor a formal permission tion, and hear him making that mad declaration that, "if he thought the blood in his arm was tainted with the Lutheran heresy, he would order it to be cut off; and that he would not spare even his own children, if they entertained sentiments contrary to those of the catholic church." See Flor. de Remond, Hist. de la Naissance et du Progres de l'Heresie.

church.

to present to the diei an account of their religious principles and tenets. In consequence of this, Christian Bayer, chancellor of Saxony, read, in the German language, in presence of the emperor and the assembled princes, the fainous confession which has been since distin

G- He was originally designed for the church, and had actually obtained a benefice; but the light guished by the denomination of the Confession that broke in upon his religious sentiments, as well as the preference given by his father to the profes- of Augsburg. The princes heard it with the sion of the law, induced him to give up his ecclesias-deepest attention and recollection of mind; it tic vocation, which he afterwards resumed in a purer confirmed some in the principles they had emt This paragraph relating to Calvin, is added | braced, surprised others; and many, who, be to Dr. Mosheim's text by the translator, who was fore this time, had little or no idea of the resurprised to find, in a History of the Reformation, ligious sentiments of Luther, were now not such late mention made of one of its most dis-only convinced of their innocence, but were, tinguished and remarkable instruments; a man whose extensive genius, flowing eloquence, immense learning, extraordinary penetration, indefatigable industry, and fervent piety,.placed him at the head of the Reformers; all of whom he surpassed, at least, in learning and parts, as he also did the greater part of them in obstinacy, asperity, and turbulence.

moreover, delighted with their purity and simplicity. The copies of this confession, which, after being read, were delivered to the emperor, were signed and subscribed by John, elector of Saxony, by four princes of the em

pire, namely, George, marquis of Brandenburg; || were by no means satisfied with the reply of Ernest, duke of Lunenburg; Philip, landgrave their adversaries, and earnestly desired a copy of Hesse; Wolfgang, prince of Anhalt; and of it, that they might demonstrate more fully by the imperial cities of Nuremberg and Reut-its extreme insufficiency and weakness. This lingen; who all thereby solemnly declared reasonable request was refused by the emperor, their assent to the doctrines contained in it.* who, on this occasion, as well as on several II. The tenor and contents of the confession others, showed more regard to the importunity of Augsburg are well known; at least, by all of the pope's legate and his party, than to the who have the smallest acquaintance with ec- demands of equity, candour, and justice. He clesiastical history; since that confession was even interposed his supreme authority to susadopted by the whole body of the protestants pend any farther proceeding in this matter, as the rule of their faith. The style that and solemnly prohibited the publication of any reigns in it is plain, elegant, grave, and per- new writings or declarations that might conspicuous, such as becomes the nature of the tribute to lengthen out these religious debates. subject, and such as might be expected from This, however, did not reduce the protestants the admirable pen of Melancthon. The matter to silence. The divines of that community, was, undoubtedly, supplied by Luther, who, who had been present at the diet, endeavoured during the diet, resided at Coburg, a town in to recollect the arguments and objections emthe neighbourhood of Augsburg; and even the ployed by Faber, and again had recourse to the form it received from the eloquent pen of his pen of Melancthon, who refuted them in an colleague, was authorised by his approbation ample and satisfactory manner, in a learned and advice. This confession contains twenty-piece that was presented to the emperor, but eight chapters, of which the greatest part are employed in representing, with perspicuity and truth, the religious opinions of the protestants, and the rest in pointing out the errors and abuses that occasioned their separation from the church of Rome.

which that prince refused to receive. This answer was afterwards enlarged by Melanc thon, when he had obtained a copy of Faber's reply, and was published in 1531, with the other pieces that related to the doctrine and discipline of the Lutheran church, under the title of 'A Defence of the Confession of Augsburg.'

which it was, in reality, most difficult to reconcile. The first and the most rational method was to grant, to those who refused to submit to the doctrine and jurisdiction of Rome, the liberty of following their private judgment

III. The creatures of the Roman pontiff, who were present at this diet, employed John || Faber, afterwards bishop of Vienne in Dau- IV. There were only three ways left of bringphine, together with Eckius, and another doc-ing to a conclusion these religious differences, tor named Cochlæus, to draw up a refutation of this famous confession. This pretended refutation having been read publicly in the assembly, the emperor required of the protestant members that they would acquiesce in it, and put an end to their religious debates by an un-in matters of a religious nature, and the privilimited submission to the doctrines and opinions contained in this answer. But this demand was far from being complied with. The protestants declared, on the contrary, that they

*There is a very voluminous history of the diet, which was published in 1577, at Frankfort on the Oder, by the laborious George Celestine. The history of the Confession of Augsburg was composed in Latin by David Chytræus, and more recently in German, by Ern. Solom. Cyprian and Christopher Aug. Salig. The performance of the latter is rather, indeed, a history of the Reformation in general, than of the Confession of Augsburg in particular. That of Cy. prian is more concise and elegant, and is confirmed

by original pieces which are equally authentic and

curious.

Twenty-one chapters were so employed. the other seven contained a detail of the errors and superstitions of the Romish church.

It is proper to observe here, that, while the Lutherans presented their confession to the diet, another excellent remonstrance of the same nature was addressed to this august assembly by the cities of Strasburg, Constance, Memmingen, and Lindaw, which had rejected the errors and jurisdiction of Rome, but did not enter into the Lutheran league, because they had adopted the opinions of Zuingle in relation to the eucharist. The declaration of these four towns (called for that reason the Tetrapolitan Confession) was drawn up by the excellent Martin Bucer, and was considered as a master-piece of reasoning and eloquence, not only by the protestants, but even by several of the Roman catholics; and among others by M. Du-Pin. Zuingle also sent to this diet a private confession of his religious opinions. It is, however, remarkable, that though Bucer com posed a separate remonstrance, his name appears among the subscribers at Smalcald, in 1537, to the confession of Augsburg, and to Melancthon's defence

of it.

lege of serving God according to the dictates of their consciences, with a proviso that the public tranquillity should not be disturbed. The second, and, at the same time, the shortest and most iniquitous expedient, was to end these dissensions by military apostles, who, sword in hand, should force the protestants to return to the bosom of the church, and to court the papal yoke, which they had so magnanimously thrown off. Some thought of a middle way, which was equally remote from the difficulties that attended the two methods now mentioned, and proposed that a reconciliation should be made upon fair, candid, and equitable terms, by engaging each of the contending parties to temper their zeal with motheir pretensions, and to remit some of their deration, to abate reciprocally the rigour of respective claims. The first method, which seemed agreeable to the dictates of reason, charity, and justice, was highly approved by several wise and good men, on both sides; but it was ill-suited to the arrogant ambition of the pontiff, and the superstitious ignorance of the times, which beheld with horror whatever tended to introduce the sweets of religious liberty, or the exercise of private judgment. The second method, being violent and inhuman, was more agreeable to the spirit and sentiments of the age, and was peculiarly suited to the despotic genius and sanguinary zeal of the court of Rome: but the emperor had sufficient prudence and equity to induce him to

who were the chief supporters of the protestant cause; and, in this decree, every thing was manifestly calculated to deject the friends of religious liberty, if we except a faint and dubious promise of engaging the pope to assemble (in about six months after the separation of the diet) a general council. The dig

extolled, beyond measure, in this partial decree; new degrees of severity and force were added to the edict of Worms; the changes that had been introduced into the doctrine and discipline of the protestant churches, were severely censured; and a solemn order was addressed to the princes, states, and cities, that had thrown off the papal yoke, to return to their duty and their allegiance to Rome, on pain of incurring the indignation and vengeance of the emperor, as the patron and protector of the church.*

reject it; and it appeared shocking to those who were not lost to all sentiments of justice or moderation. The third expedient was therefore most generally approved: it was peculiarly agreeable to all who were zealous for the interests and tranquillity of the empire; nor did the pope seem to look upon it either with aversion or contempt. Hence various confer-nity and excellence of the papal religion are ences ensued between persons of eminence, piety, and learning, who were chosen for that purpose from both sides; and nothing was omitted that might have the least tendency to calm the animosity, heal the divisions, and unite the hearts of the contending parties;* but all endeavours proved fruitless, since the difference of opinion was too considerable and too important to admit a reconciliation. It was in these conferences that the spirit and character of Melancthon appeared in their true and genuine colours; and it was here that the votaries of Rome exhausted their efforts to gain over to their party this pillar of the Reformation, whose abilities and virtues added such a lustre to the protestant cause. This humane and gentle spirit was apt to sink into a kind of yielding softness under the influence of mild and generous treatment. And, accordingly, while his adversaries soothed him|| with fair words and flattering promises, he seemed to melt as they spoke, and, in some measure, to comply with their demands; but, when they so far forgot themselves as to make use of imperious language and menacing terms, then did he appear in a very different point of light; then a spirit of intrepidity, ardour, and independence, animated all his words and actions, and he looked down with contempt on the threats of power, the frowns of fortune, and the fear of death. The truth is, that, in this great and good man, a soft and yielding temper was joined with the most inviolable fidelity, and the most invincible attachment to the truth.

V. As this method of terminating the religious debates between the friends of liberty and the votaries of Rome, proved ineffectual, the latter had recourse to other measures, which were suited to the iniquity of the times, though they were disavowed by the dictates of reason and the precepts of the Gospel. These measures were, the force of the secular arm, and the authority of imperial edicts. On the 19th day of November, a severe decree was issued, by the express order of the emperor, during|| the absence of the Hessian and Saxon princes,

As in the confession of Augsburg there were three sorts of articles; one sort orthodox, and adopted by both sides; another that consisted of certain propositions, which the papal party considered as ambiguous and obscure; and a third, in which the doctrine of Luther was entirely opposite to that of Rome; this gave some reason to hope, that by the means of certain concessions and modifications, conducted mutually by a spirit of candour and charity, matters might at last be accommodated. For this purpose, slect persons were appointed to carry on this salutary work, at first seven from each party, consisting of princes, lawyers, and divines; which number was afterwards reduced to three. As Luther's obstinate, stubborn, and violent temper, rendered him unfit for healing divisions, he was not employed in these conferences; but he was constantly consulted by the Protestant party, and it was with a view to this that he resided at Coburg.

VOL. II.-5

VI. No sooner were the elector of Saxony and the confederate princes informed of this deplorable issue of the diet, than they assembled in order to deliberate upon the measures that were proper to be taken on this critical occasion. In 1530, and the following year, they met, first at Smalcald, afterwards at Frankfort, and formed a solemn alliance, with the intention of defending vigorously their religion and liberties against the dangers and encroachments with which they were menaced by the edict of Augsburg, without attempting, however, any thing positively offensive against the votaries of Rome. Into this confederacy they invited the kings of England, France, and Denmark, with several other republics and states, and left no means unemployed that might tend to corroborate and cement this important alliance. Amidst these intrigues

edict, it was resolved, that no judge who refused to To give the greater degree of weight to this approve and subscribe its contents, should be admitted into the imperial chamber of Spire, which was the supreme court in Germany. The emperor employ their united forces in order to maintain its also, and the popish princes, engaged themselves to authority, and to promote its execution.

Luther, who at first seemed averse to this

confederacy, from an apprehension of the calamities and troubles it might produce, at length perceived its necessity, and consented to it; but, uncharitably, as well as imprudently, refused to comprehend in it the followers of Zuingle among the Swiss, together with the German states or cities, which had adopted the sentiments and confession of Bucer. And yet we find that the cities of Ulm and Augsburg had embraced the Reformation on the principles of Zuingle. In the invitation addressed to Henry VIII., whom the associated princes were willing to declare the head and protector of their league, the following points were expressly stipulated among several others: viz. That the king should encourage, promote, and maintain the true doctrine of Christ, as it was contained in the confession of Augsburg, and defend the same at the next general council;-that he should not agree to any council summoned by the bishop of Rome, but protest against it, and neither submit to its decrees, nor suffer them to be respected in his dominions;-that he should never allow the pontiff to have any pre-eminence or jurisdiction in his dominions; that he should advance 100,000 crowns for the use of the confederacy, and double that sum if it should appear to be necessary; all which articles the confederate princes were obliged equally to observe on their parts. To these demands the king answered, immediately, in a manner that was not satisfactory. He declared, that he would maintain and promote the true doctrine of Christ; but, at the same time as the true ground of that doctrine lay