XXII. To these intestine divisions were ad- ||ment, and worship, upon the establishment of ded the horrors of a civil war, which was the a pure and unspotted church, and to add weight fatal effect of oppression on the one hand, and to this requisition, pretended, that it was sugof enthusiasm on the other, and, by its unhap-gested by the Holy Ghost, with which they ́py consequences, proved prejudicial to the were divinely and miraculously inspired; while cause and progress of the Reformation. In a very considerable proportion of this furious 1525, a prodigious multitude of seditious fa- rabble were without any distinct view or fixed natics suddenly arose, like a whirlwind, in dif- purpose, and, being infected with the contaferent parts of Germany, took arms, united gious spirit of sedition, and exasperated by the their forces, waged war against the laws, the severity of their magistrates and rulers, went magistrates, and the empire in general, ravaged on headlong without reflection or foresight into the country with fire and sword, and exhibited every act of violence and cruelty which rebeldaily the most horrid spectacles of unrelenting lion and enthusiasm could suggest: so that, if barbarity. The greatest part of this furious it cannot be denied that many of these rioters and formidable mob was composed of peasants perversely misunderstood the doctrine of Luand vassals, who groaned under heavy burthens, ther concerning Christian liberty, and thence and declared they were no longer able to bear took occasion to commit the disorders that renthe despotic severity of their chiefs; and hence dered them so justly odious, yet it would be a the sedition was called the Rustic war, or the most absurd instance of partiality and injustice war of the peasants.* But it is also certain, to charge that doctrine with the blame of those that this motley crowd was intermixed with extravagant outrages which arose only from the numbers, who joined in this sedition from dif- manifest abuse of it. Luther himself, indeed, ferent motives, some being impelled by the sufficiently defended both his principles and suggestions of enthusiasm, and others by the his cause against any such imputations, by the profligate and odious views of rapine and plun- books he wrote against the riotous sect, and der, of repairing fortunes ruined by extravagant the advice he addressed to the princes of the and dissolute living. At the first breaking out empire to take arms against them. Accorof this war, it seemed to have been kindled dingly, in 1525, the turbulent malcontents only by civil and political views; and agreeable were defeated in a pitched battle fought at to this is the general tenour of the Declara- Mulhausen; and Munzer, their ringleader, was tions and Manifestoes that were published by put to death.* these rioters. The claims they made in these papers related to nothing farther than the diminution of the tasks imposed upon the peasants, and to their obtaining a greater measure of liberty than they had hitherto enjoyed. Religion seemed to be out of the question; at least, it was not the object of deliberation or debate. But no sooner had the enthusiast Munzert put himself at the head of this outra-tained the pleasing hope of restoring peace in geous rabble, than the face of things changed entirely; and, by the instigation of this man, who had deceived numbers before this time by his pretended visions and inspirations, the civil commotions in Saxony and Thuringia were soon directed toward a new object, and were turned into a religious war. The sentiments, however, of this seditious and dissolute multitude were greatly divided, and their demands were very different. One part of their number pleaded for an exemption from all laws, a licentious immunity from every sort of government; another, less outrageous and extravagant, confined their demands to a diminution of the taxes they were forced to pay, and of burthens under which they groaned; another insisted upon a new form of religious doctrine, govern

*These kinds of wars or commotions, arising

from the impatience of the peasants, under the heavy burthens that were imposed on them, were very common long before the time of Luther. Hence the author of the Danish Chronicle (published by the learned Ludewig in his Reliq. MSötrum) calls these insurrections a common evil. This will not appear surprising to such as consider, that, in most places, the condition of the peasants was much more intolerable and grievous before the Reformation, than it is in our times; and that the tyranny and cruelty of the nobility, before that happy period, were excessive and insupportable.

Or Munster, as some call him.

These burthens were the duties of vassalage or feudal services, which, in many respects, were truly grievous.

XXIII. While this fanatical insurrection raged in Germany, Frederic the Wise, elector of Saxony, departed this life. This excellent prince, whose character was distinguished by an uncommon degree of prudence and moderation, had, during his life, been a sort of mediator between the Roman pontiff and the reformer of Wittenberg, and had always enter

the church, and of so reconciling the contending parties as to prevent a separation either in point of ecclesiastical jurisdiction or religious communion. Hence was, that while he made no opposition to Luther's design of reforming a corrupt and superstitious church, but rather encouraged him in the execution of this pious purpose, yet he was at no pains to introduce any change into the churches which were established in his own dominions, or to subject them to his jurisdiction. The elector John, his brother and successor, acted in a very different manner. Convinced of the truth of Luther's doctrine, and persuaded, that it must lose ground and be soon suppressed if the despotic authority of the Roman pontiff remained undisputed and entire, he, without hesitation or delay, assumed to himself that supremacy in ecclesiastical matters which every lawful sovereign may claim as his natural right, and founded and established a church in his dominions, very different from the church of Rome, in doctrine, discipline, and government. To bring this new and happy establishment to as great a degree of perfection as

* "Petri Gnodalii Historia de Seditione repentina Vulgi, præcique Rusticorum, anno 1525, tempore verno per universam fere Germaniam exorta, Basil, 1570."See also B. Tenzelii Histor. Reform. tom. ii. p. 331, and the observations of Ernest Cyprian upon that work

sided, ended in a manner more favourable to the friends of the Reformation, than they could naturally expect. The emperor's ambassadors at this diet were ordered to use their most earnest endeavours for the suppression of all farther disputes concerning religion, and to insist upon the rigorous execution of the édict of Worms. The greatest part of the German princes strongly opposed this motion, declaring, that they could not execute that sentence, nor come to any determination with respect to the doctrines by which it had been occasioned, before the whole matter should be submitted to the cognizance of a general council lawfully

was possible, this resolute and active prince || answer this prudent purpose. In the meanordered a body of laws, relating to the form of time the diet, assembled at Spire in 1526, at ecclesiastical government, the method of pub-||which Ferdinand, the emperor's brother, prelic worship, the rank, offices, and revenues of the priesthood, and other matters of that nature, to be drawn up by Luther and Melancthon, and promulgated by heralds throughout his dominions in 1527. He also took care that all the churches should be supplied with pious and learned tninisters, and that such of the clergy as dishonoured religion by their bad morals, or were incapable, from their want of talents, of promoting its influence, should be removed from the sacred function. The illustrious example of this elector was followed by all the princes and states of Germany that were unfriendly to the papal supremacy and jurisdiction; and similar forms of worship, dis-assembled; alleging farther, that the decision cipline, and government, were thus introduced of controversies of this nature belonged properinto all the churches which dissented from ly to such a council, and to it alone. This that of Rome. Thus may the elector John be opinion, after long and warm debates, was considered as the second parent and founder adopted by a great majority, and, at length, of the Lutheran church, which he alone ren- consented to by the whole assembly; for it dered a complete and independent body, dis- was unanimously agreed to present a solemn tinct from the superstitious church of Rome, address to the emperor, beseeching him to asand fenced about with salutary laws, with a semble, without delay, a free and general wise and well-balanced constitution. But as council: and it was also agreed, that, in the the best blessings may, through the influence mean time, the princes and states of the emof human corruption, become the innocent oc- pire should, in their respective dominions, be casions of great inconvéniences, such particu- at liberty to manage ecclesiastical matters in larly was the fate of those wise and vigorous the manner which they might deem the most measures which this elector took for the re-expedient, yet so as to be able to give to God formation of the church; for, from that time the religious differences between the German princes, which had been hitherto kept within XXV. Nothing could be more favourable to the bounds of moderation, broke out into a those who had the cause of pure and genuine violent and lasting flame. The prudence, or Christianity at heart, than a resolution of this rather timidity, of Frederic the Wise, who nature. For the emperor was, at this time, so avoided every resolute measure that might entirely taken up in regulating the troubled tend to kindle the fire of discord, had preserved state of his dominions in France, Spain, and a sort of external union and concord among Italy, which exhibited, from day to day, new these princes, notwithstanding their differences scenes of perplexity, that, for some years, it in opinion. But as soon as his successor, by was not in his power to turn his attention to the open and undisguised steps he took, made the affairs of Germany in general, and still it glaringly evident, that he designed to with- less to the state of religion in particular, which draw the churches in his dominions from the was beset with difficulties that, to a reflecting jurisdiction of Rome, and to reform the doc-politician like Charles, must have appeared petrine, discipline, and worship that had been hitherto established, then indeed the scene changed. The union, which was more specious than solid, and which was far from being well cemented, was suddenly dissolved: the spirits were heated and divided, and an open rupture ensued among the German princes, of whom one party embraced the Reformation, while the other adhered to the superstitions of

their forefathers.

and to the emperor an account of their administration, when it should be demanded of them.

evi

culiarly critical and dangerous. Besides, had he really possessed leisure to form, or power to execute, a plan that might terminate, in favour of the Roman pontiff, the religious disputes which prevailed in Germany, it dent that the inclination was wanting, and that Clement VII., who now sat in the papal chair, had nothing to expect from the good offices of Charles; for this pontiff, after the defeat of Francis at the battle of Pavia, filled with unXXIV. Affairs being reduced to this violent easy apprehensions of the growing power of and troubled state, the patrons of popery gave the emperor in Italy, entered into a confedeintimations that were far from being ambigu- racy with the French and the Venetians against ous, of their intention to make war upon the that prince. This measure inflamed the reLutheran party, and to suppress by force the sentment and indignation of Charles to such a doctrines which they were incapable of over-degree, that he abolished the papal authority turning by argument; and this design would in his Spanish dominions, made war upon the certainly have been put in execution, had not pope, laid siege to Rome in 1527, blocked up the troubles of Europe disconcerted their mea- Clement in the castle of St. Angelo, and exsures. The Lutherans, informed of these hos-posed him to the most severe and contumelious tile intentions, began to deliberate upon the most effectual methods of defending themselves against superstition armed with violence, and formed the plan of a confederacy that might VOL. II.-4

treatment. These critical events, together with the liberty granted by the diet of Spire, were prudently and industriously improved, by the friends of the Reformation, to the advantage

ily a general council, in any other light than as an artifice to quiet the minds of the people; since it was easy to perceive, that a lawful council, free from the despotic influence of Rome, was the very last thing that a pope would grant in such a critical state of affairs. Therefore, when the princes and members now mentioned found that all their arguments and remonstrances against this unjust decree made no impression upon Ferdinand, or upon the abettors of the ancient superstitions, (whom the pope's legate animated by his presence and exhortations,) they entered a solemn protest against this decree, on the 19th of April, and

of their cause, and to the augmentation of || to look upon the promise of assembling speedtheir number. Several princes, whom the fear of persecution and punishment had hitherto prevented from lending a hand to the good work, being delivered now from their restraint, publicly renounced the superstition of Rome, and introduced among their subjects the same forms of religious worship, and the same system of doctrine, that had been received in Saxony. Others, though placed in such circumstances as discouraged them from acting in an open manner against the interests of the pope, were far from manifesting any intention of opposing those who withdrew the people from his despotic yoke; nor did they molest the private assemblies of those who had sepa-appealed to the emperor and to a future counrated themselves from the church of Rome. And all the Germans who, before the resolutions of the diet of Spire, had rejected the papal discipline and doctrine, were now, in consequence of the liberty they enjoyed by these resolutions, wholly employed in bringing their schemes and plans to a certain degree of consistency, and in adding vigour and firmness to the glorious cause in which they were engaged. In the mean time, Luther and his fellow-labourers, particularly those who were with him at Wittenberg, by their writings, their instructions, their admonitions and counsels, inspired the timorous with fortitude, dispelled the doubts of the ignorant, fixed the principles and resolution of the floating and inconstant, and animated all the friends of genuine Christianity with a spirit suitable to the grandeur of their undertaking.

cil. Hence arose the denomination of Protestants, given from this period to those who renounce the superstitious communion of the church of Rome.

XXVII. The dissenting princes, who were the protectors and heads of the reformed churches, had no sooner entered their protest, than they sent proper persons to the emperor, who was then upon his passage from Spain to Italy, to acquaint him with their proceedings in this affair. The ministers employed in this commission, executed the orders they had received with the greatest resolution and presence of mind, and behaved with the spirit and firmness of the princes, whose sentiments and conduct they were sent to justify and explain. The emperor, whose pride was wounded by this fortitude in persons that dared to oppose his designs, ordered the ambassadors to be apprehended, and detained for several days. Intelligence of this violent step was soon brought to the protestant princes, and made them conclude that their personal safety, and the success of their cause, depended entirely upon their courage and concord, the one animated, and the other cemented by a solemn confederacy. They, therefore, held several meetings at Nuremberg, Smalcald, and other places, in order to deliberate upon the means of forming such a powerful league as might enable them to repel the violence of their enemies. But so different were their opinions and views of things, that they could come to no satisfactory conclusion.

XXVIII. Among the incidents that pro

XXVI. But the tranquillity and liberty they enjoyed, in consequence of the resolutions taken in the first diet of Spire, were not of long duration. They were interrupted by a new diet assembled, in 1529, in the same place, by the emperor, after he had appeased the commotions and troubles which had employed his attention in several parts of Europe, and concluded a treaty of peace with Clement. This prince, having now, in a great measure, shaken off the burthen that had for some time overwhelmed him, had leisure to direct the affairs of the church; and this the reformers soon felt by a disagreeable experience. For the power, which had been granted by the former diet to every prince of managing ecclesi-moted animosity and discord between the astical matters as he thought proper, until the meeting of a general council, was now revoked by a majority of votes, and not only so, but every change was declared unlawful that should be introduced into the doctrine, discipline or worship of the established religion, before the determination of the approaching council was known.* This decree was justly considered as iniquitous and intolerable by the elector of Saxony, the landgrave of Hesse, and such other members of the diet, as were persuaded of the necessity of a reformation in the church. Nor was any one so simple, or so little acquainted with the politics of Rome, as

The resolution of the first diet of Spire, which had been taken unanimously, was revoked in the second, and another substituted in its place by a plurality of voices, which, as several of the princes then present observed, could not give to any decree the force of a law throughout the empire.

friends of the Reformation, and prevented that union which was so much to be desired among persons embarked in the same good cause,

*

As the emperor was at Barcelona, while this diet was held at Spire, his brother Ferdinand was president in his place.

The princes of the empire, who entered this protest, and are consequently to be considered as the first protestant princes, were John, elector of Saxony, George, elector of Brandenburg, for Franconia, Ernest and Francis, dukes of Lunenburg, the landgrave of Hesse, and the prince of Anhalt. These princes were supported by thirteen imperial towns, viz. Strasburg, Ulm, Nuremberg, Constance, Rottingen, Windsheim, Memmingeu, Nordlingen, Lindaw, Kempten, Heilbron, Weissenburg, and St. Gall.

See the history of the confession of Augsburg, written in German by the learned Christ. Aug. Salig, tom. i. book ii. ch. i. p. 128, and more especially an important work by Dr. Joachim Muller, entitled Historie von der Evangelischen Stande Protestation gegen den Speyerschen Reichs-Abscheid von 1529, Appellation, &c. published at Jena in 1705.

the principal one was the dispute that had thus, at certain seasons, rendered more cool in arisen between the divines of Saxony and his proceedings, and more moderate and imSwitzerland, concerning the manner of Christ's partial in his opinion both of the contending presence in the eucharist. To terminate this parties and of the merits of the cause. He controversy, Philip, landgrave of Hesse, in- therefore, in an interview with the pope at Bovited, in 1529, to a conference at Marpurg, logna, insisted, in the most serious and urgent Luther and Zuingle, with some of the most manner, upon the necessity of assembling a eminent doctors who adhered to the respective general council. His remonstrances and exparties of these contending chiefs. This ex- postulations could not, however, move Clepedient, which was designed by that truly mag- ment, who maintained with zeal the papal prenanimous prince, not so much to end the mat- rogatives, imputed to the emperor an ill-judged ter by keen debate, as to accommodate differ- clemency, and alleged that it was the duty of ences by the conciliatory spirit of charity and that prince to support the church, and to exeprudence, was not attended with the salutary cute speedy vengeance upon the obstinate fruits that were expected from it. The divines heretical faction, who dared to call in question that were assembled for this pacific purpose the authority of Rome and its pontiff. The disputed, during four days, in presence of the imperial potentate was as little affected by this landgrave. The principal champions in these haughty discourse, as the pope had been by debates were Luther, who attacked colam- his wise remonstrances, and looked upon it as padius, and Melancthon, who disputed against a most iniquitous thing, a measure also in diZuingle; and the controversy turned upon rect opposition to the laws of the empire, to several points of theology, in relation to which || condemn, unheard, and to destroy, without the Swiss doctors were supposed to entertain any evidence of their demerit, a set of men, erroneous sentiments. For Zuingle was ac- who had always approved themselves good cused of heresy, not only on account of his citizens, and had in various respects deserved explication of the nature and design of the well of their country. Hitherto, indeed, it Lord's Supper, but also in consequence of the was not easy for Charles to form a clear idea false notions which he was supposed to have of the matters in debate, since no regular sysadopted, relating to the divinity of Christ, the tem had yet been composed of the doctrines efficacy of the divine word, original sin, and embraced by Luther and his followers, by some other parts of the Christian doctrine. which their real opinions, and the true causes This illustrious reformer cleared himself, how- of their opposition to the Roman pontiff, ever, from the greatest part of these accusa- might be known with certainty. As, theretions, with the most triumphant evidence, and fore, it was impossible, without some declarain such a manner as appeared entirely satis- tion of this nature, to examine with accuracy, factory, even to Luther himself. The dissen- or decide with equity, a matter of such high sion concerning the manner of Christ's pre- importance as that which gave rise to the disence in the eucharist still remained; nor could visions between the votaries of Rome and the either of the contending parties be persuaded || friends of the Reformation, the elector of Saxto abandon, or even to modify, their opinion ony ordered Luther, and other eminent diof that matter.* The only advantage, there- vines, to commit to writing, the chief articles fore, that resulted from this conference, was, of their religious system, and the principal that the jarring doctors formed a sort of truce, points in which they differed from the church by agreeing to a mutual toleration of their re- of Rome. Luther, in compliance with this spective sentiments, and leaving the cure of order, delivered to the elector, at Torgaw, the their divisions to the disposal of Providence, seventeen articles which had been drawn up and the effect of time, which sometimes cools and voted in the conference at Sultzbach in the rage of party. 1529; and hence they were called the articles of Torgaw.* Though these articles were deemed by Luther a sufficient declaration of the sentiments of the reformers, yet it was judged proper to enlarge them; and, by a judicious detail, to give perspicuity to the arguments, and thereby strength to the cause. was this consideration that engaged the protestant princes, assembled at Coburg and Augsburg, to employ Melancthon in extending these articles, in which important work he showed a due regard to the counsels of Luther, and expressed his sentiments and doctrine with the greatest elegance and perspicuity. And thus came forth to public view the famous confession of Augsburg, which did such honour to the acute judgment and the eloquent pen of Melancthon,

XXIX. The ministers of the churches which had embraced the sentiments of Luther, were preparing a new embassy to the emperor, when an account was received of the intention of that prince to come into Germany, with a view of terminating, in the approaching diet at Augsburg, the religious disputes which had produced such animosities and divisions in the empire. Charles, though long absent from Germany, and engaged in affairs that left him little leisure for theological disquisitions, was nevertheless attentive to these disputes, and foresaw their consequences. He had also, to his own deliberate reflections upon these disputes, added the counsels of men of wisdom, sagacity, and experience, and was

* Val. Ern. Loscheri Historia Motuum inter Lutheranos et Reformatos, tom. i. lib. i. cap. vi. p. 143.— Henr. Bullingeri Historia Colloquii Marpurgensis, in Jo. Conr. Fuesslin's Beytrægen zur Schweizer Reformat. Geschichte, tom. iii.-Abr. Sculteti Annal. Reformat. ad annum 1529.-Rudolphi Hospinani Histor. Sacramentor, part ii.

It

* See Chr. Aug. Heumanni Diss. de Lenitate Augustannæ Confess. in Sylloge Dissert Theologicar. tom. i. p. 14.-Jo. Joach. Muller's Historia Protestationis; and the other writers who have treated, either of the Reformation in general, or of the confession of Augsburg in particular.

Some time

on which side the truth lay. The dispute, in which Olaus obtained a signal victory, contributed much to confirm Gustavus in his persuasion of the truth of Luther's doctrine, and to promote its progress in Sweden. In the following year, another event gave the finishing stroke to its propagation and success; and this was the assembly of the states at Westeraas, where the king recommended the doctrine of the reformers with such zeal, wisdom, and piety, that, after warm debates fomented by the clergy in general, and much opposition on the part of the bishops in particular, it was voted that the plan of reformation proposed by Luther should have free admittance among the Swedes.† This resolution was principally owing to the firmness and magnanimity of Gustavus, who declared publicly, that he would lay down his sceptre, and retire from his kingdom, rather than rule a people enslaved to the orders and authority of the pope, and more controlled by the tyranny of their bishops, than by the laws of their monarch. Thus the papal empire in Sweden was overturned, and the king acted thenceforward as head of the church.

XXX. During these transactions in Germa- || Swedish translation of the Bible. ny, the dawn of truth arose upon other nations. after this, in 1526, he appointed a conference, The light of the reformation spread itself farat Upsal, between this eminent reformer and and wide; and almost all the European states Peter Gallius, a zealous defender of the anwelcomed its salutary beams, and exulted in cient superstition, in which these two chamthe prospect of an approaching deliverance pions were to plead publicly in behalf of their from the yoke of superstition and spiritual des-respective opinions, that it might thus be seen potism. Some of the most considerable provinces of Europe had already broken their chains, and openly withdrawn themselves from the discipline of Rome and the jurisdiction of its pontiff. And thus it appears that Clement was not impelled by a false alarm to demand of the emperor the speedy extirpation of the teformers, since he had the strongest reasons to apprehend the destruction of his spiritual empire. The reformed religion was propagated in Sweden, soon after Luther's rupture with Rome, by one of his disciples, whose name was Olaus Petri, and who was the first herald of religious liberty in that kingdom. The zealous efforts of this missionary were powerfully seconded by that valiant and public-spi- || rited prince, Gustavus Vasa Ericson, whom the Swedes had raised to the throne in the place of Christiern, king of Denmark, whose horrid barbarity lost him the sceptre that he had perfidiously usurped. This generous and patriotic hero had been in exile and in prison, while the brutal usurper, now mentioned, was involving his country in desolation and misery; but, having escaped from his confinement, and taken refuge at Lubeck, he was there instructed in the principles of the Reformation, and looked upon the doctrine of Luther, not only as agreeable to the genius and spirit of the Gospel, but also as favourable to the temporal state and political constitution of the Swedish dominions. The prudence, however, of this excellent prince was equal to his zeal, and always accompanied it: and, as the religious opinions of the Swedes were in a fluctuating state, and their minds divided between their ancient superstitions, recommended by custom, It was no wonder, indeed, that the bishops · and the doctrine of Luther, which attracted opposed warmly the proposal of Gustavus, since their assent by the power of conviction and there was no country in Europe where that order and truth, Gustavus wisely avoided all vehemence the clergy in general drew greater temporal advantages from the superstition of the times than in Sweand precipitation in spreading the new doc-den and Denmark. Most of the bishops had revetrine, and proceeded in this important undertaking with circumspection, and by degrees, in a manner suitable to the principles of the reformation, which are diametrically opposite to compulsion and violence.* Accordingly, the first object of his attention was the instruction of his people in the sacred doctrines of the Scriptures, for which purpose he invited into his dominions several learned Germans, and spread abroad through the kingdom Petri's

This incomparable model of princes gave many proofs of his wisdom and moderation. Once, while he was absent from Stockholm, a great number of German anabaptists, probably the riotous disciples of Munzer, arrived in that city, carried their fanaticism to extremities, and pulled down with fu ry the images and other ornaments of the churches, while the Lutherans dissembled their sentiments of this riot in expectation that the storm would turn to their advantage. But Gustavus no sooner returned to Stockholm, than he ordered the leaders of these fanatics to be seized and punished, and assailed the Lutherans with bitter reproaches for not having op. posed them in time.

XXXI. The light of the reformation was

and candour of Gustavus in the most striking point It is very remarkable, and shows the equity of light, that while he ordered Olaus Petri to publish his literal translation of the sacred writings, he gave permission at the same time to the archbishop of Upsal, to prepare another version suited to the doctrine of the church of Rome; that, by a careful comparison of both translations with the original, an easier access might be opened to the truth. The bishops at first opposed this order, but were at length

obliged to submit.

sessed castles and fortresses that rendered them in

nues superior to those of the sovereign; they posdependent of the crown, enabled them to excite commotions in the kingdom, and gave them a degree of power that was dangerous to the state. They lived

in the most dissolute luxury and overgrown opulence, while many of the nobles were in misery and bled at Westeraas, did not so much tend to regulate points of doctrine, as to reform the discipline of the church, to reduce the opulence and authority of the bishops within proper bounds, to restore to the impoverished nobility the lands and possessions which their superstitious ancestors had given to an all-devouring clergy, to exclude the prelates from the senate, to take from them their castles, and things of that nature. It was however resolved, at the same time, that the church should be provided with able pastors, who should explain the pure word of God. to the people in their native tongue; and that no ec clesiastical preferments should be granted without the king's permission. This was a tacit and gentle method of promoting the Reformation.

want. The resolution formed by the states assem

↑ Bazii Inventarium Eccles. Sueco-Gothor. published at Lincoping in 1642. Sculteti Annales Evangelii Renovati, in Von-der-Hardt's Histor. Liter. Reformat. part v. p. 83, and 110. Raynal, Anecdotes Hist. Politiques et Militaires, tom. i. part ii.