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and will live no longer than they can preferve me. I have in my life been guity of many foll.es, but as I think of no meanefs; I will not blot and defile that which is paft, by endeavour ing to provide for the future. I have ever had in my mind, that when God should caft me into fuch a condition as that I cannot fave my life, but by do: ing an indecent thing, he fhews me the time is come wilerein I thould refign it. And when I cannot live in my wn country but by fuch means as dre worfe than dying, I think he fhews me I ought to keep myself out of it. Let them please themselves with making the King glorious, who think a whole people may justly be facrificed, for the intereft & pleasure of one man, and a few of his followers; fet them rejoice in their fubtility, who' by be traying the former power, have gained the favour of this; not only preferved, but advanced themfelves in thefe dangerous changes. Nevertheless (perhaps) they may find the Kings glory is their fhame, his plenty the people's mifery; and that the gaining an office, or a little money, is a poor reward for deftroying a nation! (which if preferved in 'liberty and virtue, would truly be the moft glorious in the world) and that others may find they have with much pains,purchafed their owafhame and mifery, a dear price for that which is not worth keeping, nor the life that is accompanied with it The honour of English parliaments have ever been in making the nation glorious and happy, not in felting and deftroying the intereft of it, to fatisfy the latts of one man. Miferable nas tion! that from fo great a heighth of glory, is fallen into the moft defpica ble condition in the world; of having all its good depending upon the breath and will of the vileft perfons in it! Cheated and fold by then they truft ed, infamous traffick equal almost in gult to that of Judas! In alt preceed ing ages, parliaments have been the pillars of our liberty, the fure defendess of the oppreffed; they who formerly could bridle Kings, and keep the ballance equal between them and the people, are now become the in Aruments of all our oppreffions, and fword, in his hand to deftroy us: 2.ey themselves, led by a few inter

efted perfons, who are willing to bay offices for themselves by the mifery of the whole nation, and the blood of the moft eminent and worthy perfons in it. Deteftable bribes, worse than the oaths now in fashion in this mer cenary court! I mean to owe my life nor liberty to any fuch means when the innocence of my actions will not protect me, I will'ay away till the form be overpaft. In short, where Vane, Lambert and Hellerigg cannot live in fafety, I cannot live at all. If I had been in England, F should have expected a lodging with them: Or, though they may be the firft, as being more eminent than I, I muft expect to follow their example, in fuffering, as I have been their com panion in aЯing. I am moft in a maze at the miftaken informations that were fent to me by my friends, full of expectations, of favours and em ployments. Who can think, that they who imprison them would employ me, or fuffer me to live, when they are put to death? If I might live and be employed, can it be ex-" pected that I should ferve a government that feek fuch deteftable ways of eftablishing itfelf? Ah! No: I have not learnt to make my own peace, by perfecuting and betraying my brethren, more innocent and worthy than myself. I muft live by. juft means, and ferve to juft ends, or not at all, after fuch a manifeftation of the ways by which it is intended the King fhall govern. I fhould have renounced any place of favour, into which the kindness and induftry of my friends might have advanced me, when I found thofe that were better than 1, were only fit to be destroyed. I had formerly fome jealoufies, the fraudulent proclamation for indemnity, increafed them, and the imprisonment of thofe three men, and turning out of all the officers of the army,contrary to promife, confirmed me in my refolutions not to return. conclude: The tide is not to be diverted, nor the oppreffed delivered; but God, in his time, will have mercy on his people; he will fave and defend them, and avenge the blood of those who thall now perish, upon the heads of thofe, who, in their pride, think nothing is able to oppose them. Hap

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py are those whom God fhall make inftruments of his juftice in fo bleffed a work. If I can live to fee that day, I fall be ripe for the grave, and able to lay with joy, "Lord! now letteft "thou thy fervant depart in peace, "&c." [So Sir ARTHUR HASLERIGG, ON OLIVER's death.] Farewel my thoughts, as to King and State, depending upon their actions. No man thall be a more faithful fervant to him than I, if he make the good and profperity of his people his glory; none more his enemy if he doth the contrary. To my particular friends, I fhall be conftant on all occafions,and to you, a moft affectionate fervant, A. SIDNEY.

A comparative view of French and English Divines, refpect ing the eloquence of the Pulpit From Dr. Blair.

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HE French and English writers of fermons proceed upon very different ideas of the eloquence of the pulpit, and feem indeed to have fplit it betwixt them. A French fermon, is for the most part a warm animated exhortation; an English one,is a piece of cool inftructive reafoning The French preachers address themfelves chiefly to the imagination and the paffions; the English, almoft folely to the understanding. It is the union of these two kinds of compofition, of the French carneftnefs and warmth, with the English accuracy and reafon, that would form, accord ing to my idea, the model of a perfec fermon. A French fermon would found in our ears as a florid, and of-' ten, as an enthufiaftic harangue. The cenfure, which, in fact, the French critics pass on the Englih preachers is, that they are philofophers and logicians, but, not orators. The defects of moft of the French fermons are thefe; from a mode that prevails among them of taking their texts from the leffon of the day, the connection of the text with the fubje&t is often unnatural and forced, their appli

One of Maffilion's beft fermons, that on the coldness and languor with

cations of scripture are fanciful rather than inftructive; their method is fiff and cramped, by their practice of dividing their subject always, either into three or two main points; and their compofition is in general too diffuse, and confifts rather of a very few thoughts fpread out, and highly wrought up, than of a rich variety of fentiments. Admitting, however, all thefe defects, it cannot be denied,that their fermons are formed upon the idea of a perfuafive popular oration; and therefore I am of opinion, they may be read with benefit.

Among the French proteftant Di vines, Saurin is the most diftinguished: He is copious, eloquent and devout, though too oftentatious in his manner. Among the Roman Catho

lics, the two moft eminent are, Bour

daloue and Maffillon. It is a fubje&

of difpute to which of thefe the preference is due, and each of them have their feveral partizans. To Bourdaloue, they attribute more folidity and clofe reafoning; to Maffillon, a more pleafing and engaging manner. Bourdaloue is indeed a great reafoner, and inculcates his doctrines with much zeal, piety and earneftness ; but his ftyle is verbofe, he is difagreeably full of quotations from the fathers, and he wants imagination. Maffillon has more grace, more fentiment, and, in my opinion, every way more genius. He difcovers much knowledge both of the world and of the human heart; he is pathetic and perfuafive; and, upon the whole, is perhaps, the most eloquent writer of fermons which modern times have produced. The finest encomium, perhaps, ever beflowed on a preacher, was given to father Maillon, by Louis, XIV. After hearing him preach at Versailles, he faid to him, "Father "I have heard many great orators in "this chapel; I have been highly "pleafed with them; but for you,

whenever I hear you, I go away *

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difpleafed with my felf; for I feb "more of my own character."

one of the best models we have for preaching. We must not indeed confider him in the light of a perfect ora tor; his compofition is too loose and remifs; his ftyle too feeble, and frequently too flat, to deferve that high Character; but there is in fome of his fermons fo much warmth and earneft

During the period that preceeded the refloration of King Charles II. The Sermons of the English divines abounded with fcholaftic cafuftical theology. They were full of minute divifions and fub divifions, and fcraps of learning in the didactic part butnefs, and through them all there runs

fo much ease and perfpicuity, fuck a vein of good fenfe and fincere piety, as juftly intitle him to be held as eminent a preacher as England has produced.

In Dr. Barrow, one admires more the prodigious fecundity of his inven tion, and the uncommon firength and force of his conceptions, than the felicity of his execution, or his talent in compofition. We fee a genius, far furpaffing the common, peculiar indeed almost to himself, but that genius often shooting wild, and unchaf tiled by any discipline or Audy of eloquence.

I cannot attempt to give particular characters of that great number of writers of fermons which this, and the former age have produced, among whom we meet with a variety of the molt refpectable names. We find in their compofition much that deferves praise; a great difplay of abilities of different kinds, much good fenfe and piety, wfound divinity and useful inftruction; though, in general, the degree of eloquence bears not, perhaps, equal proportion to the goodness of the inatter.

to these were joined very warm pathetic addreffes to the confciences of the hearers, in the applicatory part of the fermon. Upon the refloration, preaching affumed a more correct, and polifhed form It became difencumbered from the pedantry and fcholaftic divifions of the fetaries; but it threw out alfo their warm and pathe tic addreffes, and established itfelf wholly upon the model of cool reafon ing and rational inftruction. As the diffenters from the church continued to preferve fomewhat of the old train of preaching, this led the established clergy to depart the farther from it. Whatever was earnest and paffionate, either in the compofition or delivery of fermons, was reckoned enthusiaftic and fanatical; and hence that argu, mentative manner bordering on the dry and unperfuafive, which is too generally the character of English fermons. Nothing can be more correct upon that model than many of them Iare; but the model itself on which they are formed, is a confined and imperfect one. Dr. Clark, far, inflance, every where abounds in good fenfe, and the most clear and accurate reafoning; his applications of fcrip- v. Bishop Atterbury deferves being tore are pertinents his ftyle is always particularly mentioned, as a model of perfpicuous and often elegant, he incorrect and beautiful flyle, bendes fructs, and he convinces; in what then is he deficient? In nothing, except in the power of interefting and feizing the heart. He shows you what you ought to do; but he excites not the defire of doing it; he treats man as if he were a being of pure intellect; without imagination or paffions. Archbishop Tillotson's manner is more ⚫ free and warm, and he approaches nearer than most of the English divines to the character of popular :fpeaking. Hence he is, to this day,

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having the merit of a warmer and more eloquent ftrain of writing, in fome of his fermons, than is common. ly met with. Had Bifhop Butler, in place of abftract philofophical effays, given us more fermone, in the ftrain of thofe two excellent ones which he has compofed upon felf-deceit, and upon the character of Balaam, we would then have pointed him out as diftinguished for that fpecies of characteristical fermons which I before recommended.

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HE feveral governments of the

perhaps, the firft in the world, whofe
exiflence commenced from a conventi-

tained its prefent fate of perfection, by effecting a proper balance of pow er; or, unlefs, by a fuperiority of force, one of the contending parties had fubdued the others, and thus ren dered the government an abfolute democracy, ariftocracy, or monatchy. In the other nations of Europe, who were under the feudal adminiAtration, the unhappy people, after fuffering the fevereft convulfions,have all been obliged to furrender the dear. eft rights of humanity, either to the abfolute controul of an hereditary nobility, or that of a monarch.

on of individuals, actuated by their understandings, to form a focial compact for the fecurity of life and the bleffings that attend it. Every nati⚫on, of which hiftory has furnished us with accounts, have had their conftitutions eftablished either by compulfon, conqueft, accident or intrigue, Hence has at fers the great variety of forms in which the kingdoms of the earth, have been governed, and hence alfo thofe frequent revolutions, thofe internal feuds and convulfions; which have rendered the world a continued fcene of devaftation and bloodshed. The kingdom of Great Britain, whofe conftitution in its present form has been ftyled a model of perfection, in the eleventh century refembled a military, rather than a civil eftablishment. It was then governed by the feudal fyftem carried to its utmost extent of feverity. But the great objects, which the defire of happiness urges men to purfue, being conftant ly fpotted, with by the Lord Para-, mount and his infamous tools, a fenfe of common danger uniting the views of the Lords and Commons, drew. forth, under the direction of the Earl of Leicester, in the reign of Henry the third, fuch exertions, as checked the rigor of the feudal administration; & in their confequences gave a deadly blow to that prolific parent of difcords, jealoufies, ignorance, ufurpation, tyran ny and every other fpecies of human wretchednefs. From that time, when the people, at the invitation of Leicester, urged to the measure by neceffity, became a branch of the legiflature, to the reign of William and Mary, the Kings, Lords and Com, Imons were conftantly fruggling for power; the unequal division of which among the contending parties bring ing their difcordant interefts into ex ercife, rendered the nation a conftant fcene of murders, diffentions and civil wars. They probably would have continued in Britain until the prefent day, unless the government had ob

When we take a view of the feveral nations of Europe, examine the forms. of their several governments, and the adminiftration of them; when we read the pages of hiftory, and learn, that both the worft, and the best of them have been brought to their prefent fate, by the destruction of millions of the human race, we cannot but be impreffed with the warmest fentiments of gratitude to the Supreme Governor of the universe, that it has been our lot, peaceably to form a fyftem of jurif-prudence, on those principles of freedom and equality, the enjoyment, of which whole nations have bled to obtain.

It has been faid, and perhaps with truth, that all governments incline to decay, and that the moft free muft end in tyranny. This obfervation will be acknowledged to be at least founded on probability, when we contemplate, the rife and fall of ancient nations, and compare them with the origin, progress and present state of the modera. Civilization and corruption have ever been found to advance with equal fleps,. A nation, therefore, as it encreases in age, muft increase the power of her magiftrates, as the only resource for controuling the multiplied vices of the people. Hence a democracy has ufually been fucceeded by ariftocracy, and ariftocracy by a monarchy But though. it may be impoffible to prevent the free republics of America from finally meeting the fate of the other kingdoms of the earth, yet it is undoubtedly in the power of the citizens of them to place the fad catastrophe at a diftance. ́ ́And, if it is in their power

it

it would be a facrilegious contempt of the nobleft gifts of Heaven, to be inattentive to thofe measures, neceffary to effect fo great a purpose. What then is to be done? This is a quef tion addreffed to all, and to which Patriotifm and Religion demand a manly and deliberate attention. Nothing is more true than that civil and, religious tyranny are twin monsters; and that he who dares furrender his political liberty, dires in contempt of his God, to fubmit his foul to a Mackle

The inhabitants of the Commonwealth of Maffachúfetts, in their declaration of rights, have explicitly anfwered the question I have asked. They fay," a frequent recurrence to "the fundamental principles of the "conftitution, and a conftant adher"ence to thofe of piety, juftice, mo "deration, temperance, induftry and frugality, are abfolutely neceffary "to preferve the advantages of liber"ty, and to maintain a free gavern"ment. The people ought confe

quently to have a particular atten. "tion to all thofe principles, in the "choice of their officers and reprefen"tatives, and to require of their law"givers and magiftrates an exact and "conftant obfervance of them in the "formation and execution of all laws "neceffary for the good adminiftrati"on of the Commonwealth." If this aafwer is a juft one, it is the indifpenfible duty of every citizen of a free repablic, to make himfelf acquainted' with the end and defign of civil governments; the principles of the feveral fpecies of them; and particular ly with the nature and principles of free governments; and what measures ought to be purfued for their good 'adminiftration. At a time when our Commonwealth is but in its birth,and when it ought to be guarded with pecolier attention, reflections on thefe fubje&ts may not be uninterefting. This fentiment has induced me at this time to make fame observations upon them. Should they be judged. by the Editors of the Bofton Magazine, to be founded on truth, and deferving the public eye, they are requefted to give them a place in that ufeful Publication.

Governments are divided into three fpecies, the Republican, Monarchical and Defpotic. A Republican Government is that, in which the body, or only part of the people is poffeffed of the fupreme power. If the Body, the government is called a Democracy, if a Part, an Aristocracy; a Monarchical Government is that, in which a fingle perfon governs by fix-. ed and established laws ; a Defpotic, that in which a fingle perfon directs every thing by his mere will and caprice. Each fpecies of government, fays the great Montefquieu, has its nature and principles; the former is

that by which it is conftituted; the, "latter, that by which it is made to "at" The Nature of a Government is known by its form; its Principles, by comparing the end or object of all civil inftitutions with the means of obtaining that end, or in other words, with the nature or form of the ga vernment. This comparison or application of the end to the means, will fhew the only way in which the end is to be obtained; or, which is the fame, the principles of the govern

ment.

It has long fince been determined by the learned and the virtuous of every nation, that however different conftitutions may have taken their rife, however different their forms may be, or by what means foever they may fubfift, there can of right be no other object of their adminiftration, but the good of the governed. The pride of fome defpotic princes have founded their right of governing, on the immediate appointment of the Great Lord of creation; and taking fubterfuge behind that darling maxim of tyranny, that the King can do no wrong, to promote their own emolument, have involved their fubjects in every fpecies of wretchedness and diftrefs. But in this enlightened period of the world, a Divine Right to create mifery, and thwart the end and defign of creation, is confufion in language; the affertion of fach a right is blafphemy, and deferves the fevereft deteftation. Whether, therefore, the government be a monarchy or a democracy; whether it be an ariftocracy, or compofed of alt

the

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