Lastly, our theory affords a prefumption, that the earliest governments were monarchies, because the government of families, and of armies, from which, according to our account, civil government derived its inftitution, and probably its form, is univerfally monarchical,

CHAP. II.

3

HOW SUBJECTION TO CIVIL GOVERNMENT IS

MAINTAINED.

C

YOULD we view our own fpecies from a distance, or regard mankind with the fame fort of obfervation with which we read the na

tural history, or remark the manners, of any other animal, there is nothing in the human character which would more furprise us, than the almost univerfal fubjugation of strength to weaknessthan to see many millions of robuft men, in the complete use and exercise of their personal faculties, and without any defect of courage, waiting upon the will of a child, a woman, a driveller, or a lunatic. And although, when we suppose a vast empire in abfolute fubjection to one person, and that one depreffed beneath the level of his fpecies by infirmities, or vice, we fuppofe perhaps an extreme cafe; yet in all cafes, even in the most popular forms of civil government, the phyfical ftrength refides in the governed.

1

In what manner opinion thus prevails over ftrength, or how power, which naturally belongs to fuperior force, is maintained in opposition to it; in other words, by what motives the many are induced to fubmit to the few, becomes an enquiry which lies at the root of almost every political fpeculation. It removes, indeed, but does not resolve the difficulty, to say, that civil governments are now-a-days almost universally upheld by ftanding armies: for the question ftill returns, How are these armies themselves kept in fubjection, or made to obey the commands, and carry on the defigns, of the prince or ftate which employs them?

class

Now although we should look in vain for any Jingle fon which will account for the general fubm 1110n of mankind to civil government, yet it may not be difficult to affign for every and character in the community, confiderations powerful enough to diffuade each from any attempts to refift established authority. Every man has his motive, though not the fame. In this as in other inftances, the conduct is fimilar, but the principles which produce it extremely various.

There are three diftinctions of character, into which the fubjects of a ftate may be divided;

into those who obey from prejudice; those who obey from reafon; and those who obey from felf-intereft.

I. They who obey from prejudice, are determined by an opinion of right in their governors; which opinion is founded upon prefcription. In monarchies and ariftocracies which are hereditary, the prescription operates in favour of particular families; in republics and elective offices, in favour of particular forms of government, or conftitutions. Nor is it to be wondered at, that mankind should reverence authority founded in prescription, when they obferve that it is prescription which confers the title to almoft every thing else. The whole course, and all the habits of civil life, favour this prejudice. Upon what other foundation ftands any man's right to his eftate? The right of primogeniture, the fucceffion of kindred, the defcent of property, the inheritance of honours, the demand of tythes, tolls, rents, or fervices from the eftates of others, the right of way, the powers of office and magiftracy, the privileges of nobility, the immunities of the clergy-upon what are they all founded, in the apprehenfion at least of the multitude, but upon prescription? To what else, when the claims are contested, is

the

the appeal made? It is natural to transfer the fame principle to the affairs of government, and to regard those exertions of power, which have been long exercised and acquiefced in, as fo many rights in the fovereign; and to confider obedience to his commands, within certain accustomed limits, as enjoined by that rule of confcience, which requires us to render to every man his due.

pur

In hereditary monarchies, the prescriptive title is corroborated, and its influence confiderably augmented, by an acceffion of religious fentiments, and by that facredness which men are wont to ascribe to the perfons of princes. Princes themselves have not failed to take advantage of this difpofition, by claiming a fuperior dignity, as it were, of nature, or a peculiar delegation from the Supreme Being. For this pose were introduced the titles of facred majefty, of God's anointed, reprefentative, vicegerent, together with the ceremonies of inveftitures and coronations, which are calculated not fo much to recognize the authority of fovereigns, as to confecrate their perfons. Where a fabulous religion permitted it, the public veneration has been challenged by bolder pretenfions. The Roman emperors ufurped the titles, and arro

gated